Red Light Politics

Welcome to my short form Tumblr blog. My name is Flavia Tamara Dzodan, I am a business developer, writer, public speaker, ideas instigator, content creator, media facilitator and trend watcher living in Amsterdam.

This Tumblr is about the spaces and intersections between politics, culture, race and gender matters with some humor and pop culture thrown in the mix.

My long reads blog is Red Light Politics.

I also blog at Tiger Beatdown.

If you would like to know more about me, visit this page .

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On being the unloved

I guess one shared human experience is the desire to be loved. Surely there must be exceptions and I am not implying every person ever has desired this (I am wary of universal axioms) but it does seem that humans, throughout history, have sought associations and forms of organization that hinted at this shared need: we form communities, familial ties (either by blood or affinity or sometimes both), friendships, partnerships, etc. Even the Nation-State is funded on some lose idea of shared love (the love of the land, the love we are supposed to feel for those who share the borders of the Nation-State by virtue of being in the same space and supposedly similar culture). I quite believe that most people do crave some form of experience involving love (not to mention the love one feels for one’s partner or children). 

I live in a place where it has been made obviously clear that some of us are not deserving of love. The love that the Nation-State reserves for its subjects is spared to some of us. We are told we are Other. The law codifies our Otherness in no uncertain terms. We are to comply with these marks of Otherness by following specific declarations and pathways. Our children, even if they are born here, will bear this mark of Otherness (they call us “allochtoon”, which means exactly that, “one who is not of the land” and it is not reserved for immigrants, you can be coded “allochtoon” for generations and if you are Black or Muslim, it’ll be for ever). We are not actively hated. There aren’t calls for hunting or open aggression. It’s not that we have to actively fear for our safety on a permanent basis (though that happens sometimes but it’d be disingenuous to claim it’s a matter of policy encouraging it). We are simply unloved. The unloved share a space of “not hate” but “not love” either. It’s this active exclusion that implies we are not worthy of the shared love but it stops right before it actively turns to hatred. It’s the indifference sitting on the shoulders of our Otherness. Most of us also look the part. We can be singled out by visual queues (you are Black; you wear a veil; your hair is “ethnic”; you dress differently; you speak with an accent; your outward markers are culturally alien). 

Sos una desamorada”, my mother used to hurl it like a weapon against me when I acted in an uncaring fashion. “Desamor”, there is no word in the English language that can express this sentiment accurately. Unloving comes close, though. To be unloving is to be careless, to be indifferent, to not acknowledge the bond that should unite us. I didn’t accurately understand the meaning of it until I experienced it. Until, that is, I saw it become the basis of political systems. Unloving, I contend, is the basis of the institutionalized racism, the basis of the exclusion, the root cause of “not being allowed to belong”. “You are unworthy of love; you are unloved”.

You see, I don’t think people around me hate me. Sure, I know for a fact some people who know me most likely harbor some hatred. But I don’t think people hate a priori unless they have a reason to (real or perceived). Of course there are raging racists that are full of hate and will act upon such emotion (I’ve mentioned this before many times, I’ve been physically attacked by such specimens). But there is a spectrum of racism. There is the active hateful white supremacist and then there are those who simply unlove me and those like me. It’s an active indifference, it’s quite a different emotion that allows them to say “you are not one of us”. They can go on with their lives mostly ignoring people like me exist until they are somewhat presented with us in which case, they simply unlove. El desamor.

One of the experiences of knowing I am unloved is the fear. I already know I am not wanted so I constantly have to wonder how much I can say to prevent the unloving from turning into hate. I have established my reputation as a feminist killjoy already which renders me further far from the spectrum of those deserving of love. So I constantly have to ask myself “how much will I push?”. I crave the recognition and the love just like every other person. Yet, being Other means I know the recognition is absent unless I prove myself. I started writing online because I hoped I could talk about the things I couldn’t say in my immediate surroundings. If I write, I thought, others might find value in it, perhaps I won’t be alone anymore. And yet, what I found was that online was every bit as unloving as my immediate surrounding. Every instance of speaking out pushes me further away. Now, I don’t just fear alienating my fellow inhabitants of this country, now I know I have the entirety of feminism to estrange as well. Do I talk about this? Do I alienate more people? Do I speak out? Can I say this without closing more doors? This and a dozen more questions come out every time I am about to write something, every time I seethe with anger about something I have read. You are already unloved, Flavia, I tell myself, do you really want to be hated now? And that, which I don’t say becomes the burden of the unloved. We spend our lives fighting against an environment that doesn’t want us while pointing out every instance in which we are not wanted becomes further proof of our unloveability. Online, offline, wherever… you are Other no matter where you go.

I’m an American citizen … I’m allowed to stand on American ground

Reese Witherspoon

I never liked her and I find her “America’s sweetheart” schtick quite annoying, especially when paired with tales of her awful attitude towards production assistants whom apparently she regularly terrorizes on set (because you see, she is a DIVA!). But this statement above says quite a lot about her politics as well. Of course she has rights because she is A CITIZEN! You know, the implication being those who are not (or worse, *gasp* those illegals) are a completely different story. I guess now I can openly joke about Elle Woods becoming a Tea Partier once she was out of university.

Consider this a public service announcement for everyone living in The Netherlands: Sephora is closing down operations. At the link, a list of closing dates for each store.

I must confess, I am a Sephora fiend. Over the years since I first started using their products (which I used to buy during trips to France until they opened in The Netherlands), they have consistently delivered high quality at drugstore prices (I’m talking about their home brand), plus, they are the only seller of Urban Decay (Urban Decay’s primer is my kryptonite, not to mention the palettes and other assorted stuff).

So, if like me, you love some of their products, check out the closing dates (the closest to me is already gone) because otherwise you’ll soon be out of luck.

The Italian government has ordered an investigation into slurs on rightwing websites against the country’s first black minister, a case that has put Italy’s racial problems back under the spotlight.

Italy to investigate racist remarks against first black minister | World news | guardian.co.uk

You know, Europe, “the continent of human rights” and similar assorted empty rhetoric, once again showing its bare ass. More from the article:

Cecile Kyenge, an eye doctor and Congo-born Italian citizen, was named integration minister in the new government of Prime Minister Enrico Letta on Saturday. She is one of seven women in the government.

Since then, she has been the subject of taunts not only on neo-fascist websites but the butt of race-tinged remarks by a politician of the Northern League, which has been allied in the past with former prime minister Silvio Berlusconi.

Equal opportunities minister Josefa Idem ordered an investigation by the National Anti-Discrimination Office into websites that called Kyenge a “Congolese monkey”, “Zulu”, “the black anti-Italian”, and other slurs.

This isn’t just some internet thugs leaving the usual offensive racist remarks we’ve all seen pretty much everywhere. Northern League European parliamentarian Mario Borghezio made references to a “bonga bonga government” because of Kyenge’s heritage.

Perplexing moment of the day/week/year, etc

Here’s what I don’t understand about the internet at large: someone who self identifies with a woman’s name leaves a pretty insulting comment on my critique of neoliberalism and white supremacy (I say “self identifies” because I cannot discount this being some dude trying to troll). The comment in question is an insulting tirade calling my analysis “self serving”. If anything yes, my “stuff” tends to be self serving in one way or another in so far as it attempts to articulate strategies that hopefully might serve women like me, in the sense of migrant WoC or women struggling with issues of race, economic disadvantages and West/ South policies, etc. So, calling whatever I write “self serving” is quite baffling to begin with. How would we call 99% of feminist theory if not “self serving”? 

Now, to the perplexing part, when I delete that annoying yapping because it serves no purpose other than to put me in what the commenter surely believes to be “my place”, the person in question comes back leaving a new round of insults claiming I am censoring them. What kind of entitled hell do these people inhabit that they think they have an inherent right to insult bloggers/ writers/ whoever publishes something and have said invectives posted, no questions asked? I need to understand the thought processes of such entitlement. Perhaps I should start a feminist role playing game where eventually I get to UNLOCK: WHITE SUPREMACY and gain wizard status that grants me special super powers to reign over patriarchy.

Primary schools are structurally refusing to accept children with an ethnic minority background because of fears they may drive down test scores, experts from multicultural institute Forum say in Friday’s Trouw.

DutchNews.nl - Primary schools reject minority pupils over test score fears: Trouw

More than once I’ve been told by Dutch people that “I must have made up” the concepts of institutional and institutionalized racism. They claim such a thing does not exist in The Netherlands (something to do with “everyone being equal under the law” yadda yadda, etc). This, I’m afraid, explains the ideas much better than I could with mere words of my own. 

Bangladesh is a lot poorer than the United States, and there are very good reasons for Bangladeshi people to make different choices in this regard than Americans.

Matt Yglesias peddling the lawless, libertarian capitalism @ Slate

In my previous post about this very same piece of trite, I failed to make a note about the poignant use of the word “choice” while promoting this lawless, asinine de-regulated form of capitalism. I cannot think of a better illustration for the gripes I tried to convey in my last piece about neoliberal feminism. As we know, there are so many choices a person can make when presented with the possibilities of abject poverty possibly leading to starvation or unregulated, unsafe sweatshop labor for the benefit of Western consumers. Surely that “choice” must be as valid as any other, non? That, in a nutshell, is my problem with all the theories behind “choice”.

I think that’s wrong. Bangladesh may or may not need tougher workplace safety rules, but it’s entirely appropriate for Bangladesh to have different—and, indeed, lower—workplace safety standards than the United States.

Different Places Have Different Safety Rules and That’s OK says Matthew Yglesias at Slate.

This is NOT satire. I repeat, in case you thought this was a joke made in poor taste, this is NOT satire. This is simply Yglesias peddling the logic of capitalism in response to the factory (sweatshop actually) fire that killed 300 in Bangladesh (300 is the latest count as of this morning, some news organizations are reporting the death count is likely to increase as debris is removed).

Yglesias, ever the cultural relativist when it suits hardcore lawless capitalism, also states:

Bangladesh is a lot poorer than the United States, and there are very good reasons for Bangladeshi people to make different choices in this regard than Americans. That’s true whether you’re talking about an individual calculus or a collective calculus. Safety rules that are appropriate for the United States would be unnecessarily immiserating in much poorer Bangladesh. Rules that are appropriate in Bangladesh would be far too flimsy for the richer and more risk-averse United States.

Mocking European woman centered witchcraft traditions

I laughed out loud at the comments left on this Jezebel story about a group of women who got together to experiment on safe use of psychedelic drugs (which they administered vaginally because they wanted to try and document the effects). What made me laugh about the comments was the overall derision and contempt the commentariat had for these women: WHO ARE THESE WOMEN?! ARE THEY GROWN UPS?! (hint, the article itself said they were between 24 and 42) and similar mockery. Now, one would expect that a commentariat that praises itself (read: regularly engages in self congratulatory circle jerks about their professed feminism), they would not be oblivious to the long history of a very well documented tradition of witchcraft and the vaginal administration of psychedelics. Two points worth mentioning: 

1) the old representation of the witch riding her broom comes from early depictions of witches (or to be more accurate, midwives and folk medicine practitioners in Europe) using their brooms to insert doses of belladonna up their vaginas. Science Blogs has an account from 1324, by Lady Alice Kyteler, on how this was done (and how, in turn, the practice sprung the old depiction of the witch riding her broom): 

“In rifleing the closet of the ladie, they found a pipe of oyntment, wherewith she greased a staffe, upon which she ambled and galloped through thick and thin.” And from the fifteenth-century records of Jordanes de Bergamo: ‘But the vulgar believe, and the witches confess, that on certain days or nights they anoint a staff and ride on it to the appointed place or anoint themselves under the arms and in other hairy places.’ It also explains why so many of the pictures of the time depict partially clothed (or naked) witches astride their broomsticks.”

2) The Inquisition specifically targeted these “Akelarres” (as the gathering of “witches” was known) who were precisely getting together for ceremonial use of hallucinogenic plants via vaginal insertion.

White people have been traveling to Mexico for decades (and in turn they have depleted entire regions) to consume hallucinogenics in sacred environments pretty much leading to desertification of areas and to the loss of indigenous traditions that had been practiced for millennia. The women in Jezebel’s story instead, chose to explore a practice that was not only culturally relevant to them but that has been the basis of woman centered spiritualities in their own culture and the reaction from the supposedly feminist commentariat is to laugh at them, mock them and question their maturity. What a short sighted and ahistorical feminism that must be.

The result of this constitution of neoliberal feminism as “the neutral” or the default, has also led to a sense of “amplified agency”. We are told to “maximize our freedom”, we should “brand ourselves better”, we should “choose our choices” and demand a better distribution of the resources. In the process, we are left with a feminism that imposes on us the moral task of maximizing our own value. This is a feminism of the individual with an inflated sense of the self that is devoted to the creation and administration of individual business opportunities in detriment of systemic change or, at the very least, in detriment of an analytical approach that examines our individual relations as part of a whole and our interactions and participation in a system of inequalities we cannot escape.

Tiger Beatdown › Choice, neoliberal, libertarian feminism and intersectionality bullies

I wrote about (what else?) feminism of choices and neoliberalism.

After Butler, on wishful thinking and situating oneself

I once told a friend that I disagreed with a film critique he had written because it was focused on what he wished the movie had said instead of what the movie actually said. We can only critique what is, I pointed out, not what we wish it said. Critique, I insisted (at least in regards to art or media) can only highlight a presence, a critique by absence, I insisted, would be mere wishful thinking. And yet, here I am about to engage in the very same wishful thinking I once decried as “not critique”.

I am talking about Judith Butler’s presentation last night, as part of Amsterdam University’s School for Cultural Analysis annual workshop. This year’s theme being “Dislocating Agency, Moving Objects, Associations, Demarcations, Transformations”. The title of Butler’s presentation was “Fragments of lost life: Kent Klich’s Visual Images of the Bombings of Gaza, 2009”. Her presentation was impeccable. Of course, I am not impartial when it’s about Butler. Both Frames of War and Precarious Life have been fundamental texts in shaping some of my politics in regards to immigration and what I call “the administration of death” in the European Union. So, I listened to her in a quasi mystical state, dare I say it, in adoration. And yet, I cannot shake off this feeling of absence from her presentation. What wasn’t said, rather than what was there.

Here we were: picture this former church turned University auditorium (complete with crystal chandeliers hanging from the roof and the church’s organ serving as background); the queue to enter turned around the corner and a tight crowd packed the entrance, anxiously trying to get in. The audience was huge and for the most part White and Western. She spoke passionately showing the photographies of what were once Palestinian homes, now empty, decayed, bombed. Yet, there wasn’t a single moment of situational awareness. More than once she said “As you know”, “As you are aware” and I found myself resisting this “as you know” which I perceived as a rhetoric device that assumed a prior knowledge I know for a fact (because I live here) is simply not there. No, a huge percentage of those sitting in the auditorium do not know and neither are they aware of the State interventions that make the situation possible, the very same State acting on their behalf. The assumption that “they know” allows many to walk away without having to place themselves in what they were witnessing. The photos then, a testimony of something that happens far away, something that doesn’t involve “us over here”.

I know it is somewhat unfair to place my wishful thinking upon other people’s work. This is the presentation that was given. This is what was, not what I hoped it would have been. However, as I said I cannot shake this absence off because it is at the very root of the lack of personal implication that allows the State to act without encountering resistance. As long as it’s “over there” or involving “those people”, then why would anyone need to revise their role in these (or any State) interventions. I guess my open question would be whether the academic has an obligation to not only show the photographies but to provide the frame that pierces those photographies together.

Frontex signs cooperation with Azerbaijan; political dissidents better forget about rights

I suppose by now anyone who has read anything I write knows about the lethal history of the European Border control agency Frontex. Today, this announcement was made: Frontex, Azerbaijani border service sign working arrangement. From the press release:

The Working Arrangement’s chief components include the development of activities in the field of information exchange and risk analyses, training and research-and-development related to border management as well as the elaboration and coordination of joint operational measures and pilot projects on border control. Sharing of experience is also envisaged with a view to developing efficient border-control procedures, enhanced technical capabilities and exchange of best practices.

Now, here’s the context not included in this press release:

On the situation of Azeri women displaced from their homeland due to a two decade long conflict with Armenia, Mehrangiz Najafizadeh writes

Azeri women IDPs/refugees are the most vulnerable of all Azeri women. In this context of crowded living conditions, giving birth to children in uncertain settings, inadequate medical care and nutrition, and unemployment, women’s roles are precarious as Azeri women IDPs/refugees have had minimal control over their social and physical environment during these extended years of continuing uncertainty and “temporary” displacement that, in effect, have become a state of permanence. Azeri IDP/refugee women continue to experience a prolonged state of “temporary” displacement that now is approaching two decades in length. Throughout this period, their lives have been filled with uncertainty. When will the dispute with Armenia be resolved? When will they be allowed to return to their homelands in Nagorno-Karabakh?

Authorities Targeting Youth Activists

The Azerbaijani authorities have a record of pressing bogus charges, including for drug possession, to intimidate and silence investigative journalists.

Rights Lawyer Imprisoned 

An Azerbaijan court on February 27, 2013, sentenced Bakhtiyar Mammadov, a human rights lawyer to eight years in prison on the basis of a prosecution and conviction that appear politically motivated. […] Mammadov represented several residents who were forcibly evicted from their homes in the capital, Baku, which were demolished in early 2012 as the government was building a performance hall for the 2012 Eurovision Song Contest. Mammadov’s clients had challenged the government compensation package, and Mammadov alleged corruption by a high-level official involved in the compensation funds.

Government Detains Outspoken Critics 

The arrest of two prominent government critics in Azerbaijan on broad charges of organizing mass disorder in Ismayilli raises concern they are facing political retribution. In January, mass protests in the town led to clashes with police. On February 4, 2013, Baku’s Nasimi District Court remanded the two men – Ilgar Mammadov, a political analyst and chair of the opposition group “REAL,” and Tofig Yagublu, deputy chair of the opposition political party Musavat and a journalist with opposition daily Yeni Musavat – to two months’ pretrial custody. A court also remanded Ismayilli residents Mirkazim Abdullayev and Elshen Ismayilli to two months’ pretrial custody on the same charges.

Now Frontex is not only cooperating but sharing strategies of border control with a government that has a long, recorded history of torturing and imprisoning anyone who expresses dissent. The only reason our border control agency is engaging this government as equal peers is to prevent these dissidents from even trying to reach the European Union to escape persecution. Better dead in their homeland than immigrating into Fortress Europe goes the twisted and cruel logic. On the one hand, the EU will continue to “export” this rhetoric of championing human rights, often utilizing them as an excuse for neo-colonial interventions; on the other, when it is convenient to curb immigration, they will sign shady cooperation agreements with States that are abusing these very same human rights the EU loves to tout as a “model” of “freedom and democracy”.  In the meantime, the safety of thousands is left between a local government that views disagreement as grounds for imprisonment and a European Union administration that sees certain human lives as disposable, especially if they intend to seek refuge from unbearable living conditions.

17th April: International Day of Peasants’ Struggles

Small-scale farmers and their allies are celebrating the International Day of Peasant’s Struggle today, 17th of April 2013, organizing hundreds of actions and demonstrations all over the globe. This event commemorates the massacre of 19 landless farmers demanding access to land and justice in 1996 in Brazil. 

The international farmers’ movement La Via Campesina is mobilizing this year by continuing to oppose the current international offensive by some States and large corporations to grab land from farmers, women and men, who have been cultivating it for centuries. We are also opposing the commercialization of nature and the Commons, which is something that is leading to a massive dispossession of people who are simply living on the land. Farmers, be they men or women are particularly affected. 

This day of day action is taking place in the year when La Via Campesina’s is celebrating its 20th anniversary. To launch the next 20 years of struggle, we are calling for a massive  day of mobilization on 17th April, to reclaim our food systems that are being increasingly occupied by transnational capital. It is also happening few months before LVC convenes its 6th International Conference that will be held in June, in Jakarta Indonesia.

Today, Farmers organizations will occupy the Ministry for Agriculture in Dominican Republic, to oppose the mining industry and will march and occupy land in Bahia, Brazil, as well as organize a public demonstration in Portugal. In Mozambique, the National Union of Farmers, UNAC, is organizing a conference on land and seeds in Mozambique. In Europe, the European Coordination of Via Campesina (ECVC) is joining this celebration and organizing, a European conference, open to the public, on 17th April, in the framework of its General Assembly. The event is co-organized by its Spanish member COAG (from the Canary Islands) and will be held in Fuerteventura.

According to Chavannes Jean-Baptiste, member of the coordination committee of La Via Campesina and representative of the Caribbean region, “land grabbing is a criminal act against peasants and indigenous peoples in the whole world.  In Haiti, we consider it to be a new kind of colonization. On the 17th of April 2013, all farmers’ organizations will mobilize right across the planet to say NO to this scourge.”

What I have tried to do is to use the stories as my explanatory devise, so at one level it is about the use of policy to keep doing things as they always have been done. It is very hard to get organizations to change fundamental habits. Secondly what we, diversity workers, are trying to do is to redistribute social privileges. It is not only about organizational change, we are also thinking about how worlds become more open to some more than others. And any work that is challenging privileges is going to come up against a brick wall because privileges can be used to defend privileges. People do not want to hear about racism or inequality; they want to hear much happier stories and there is a whole emphasis on toolkits, policies and techniques rather than the description of the problem.

Interview with Sara Ahmed - University of Gothenburg, Sweden

I really like this statement about how institutions would rather focus on toolkits and techniques rather than descriptions of the problem (the problem being white supremacy and lack of diversity/ representation). Mostly because this narrative based on solutions rather than on “stories” (which is what problems are) also allows for a seemingly “neutral bureaucratization” that removes the human component. It’s like a whisper of “we are giving you solutions so why do you still have an issue?”.

More random Bowie sightings. This one near Mauerpark on Berlin’s East side.

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